With good over 100,000 people gathering final week for electoral remodel in a largest travel protest in a nation's story - as good as a eventuality marred by violence by both state as good as non-state actors comparison - Malaysian governing body has reached an critical impasse.
The Bersih 3.0 convene as good as a aftermath exhibit which a trail ahead for Malaysian governing body will grow even some-more quarrelsome as good as complex. As a opposite 'Bersih stories' pour in, trimming from 'ordinary' heroism to a darker accounts of beatings as good as abuse of power, a pierce of Malaysian governing body outward of a area of elite to a streets as good as amicable media is both lenient as good as scary.
Prime Minister Najib Razak's preference not to house a concerns of a protesters final week, as good as even to demonise their actions, right away prods Malaysia offer along a road to a day of destiny, where a domestic predestine of Malaysia's 54-year supervision will be determined. So far, a routes selected have been a single of fight rsther than than compromise, creation fortitude to differences even some-more difficult.
Before a rally, Iarguedthat four actors would shape governing body around Bersih 3.0 - a youth,! a midst dle class, a military as good as East Malaysians. Of these, three were wilful upon convene day itself (the latter will grow some-more so as elections approach).
The youth as good as a middle-class attended a convene in vast numbers, imprinting a new generation's engagement with governing body as good as transforming a largely boring center category in to a some-more intent electorate.
Those wearing yellow as go! od as gr een enclosed Malaysia's soccer moms, a shopping mall princesses, discontented students, retirees as good as usually not good with words professionals.
These people comprised those who had for years enjoyed a air-conditioned comfort of Malaysia's success, yet with opposite levels of concern as good as angst chose to dauntless Kuala Lumpur's prohibited as good as humid conditions upon April 28. It was uncomfortable, though overwhelmingly, this embrace of discomfort shows how intent Malaysians have been with hot-button domestic issues as good as their eagerness to mount up as good as be counted.
They were there since they see a nation moving in a wrong direction as good as wanted to have it right. At a really least, a Bersih convene suggested a shortcomings of a country's leaders in addressing a concerns of a ! large, i mportant as good as increasing series of a citizens.
Much of a courtesy focused upon a third actor, a police, whose over-the-top actions in a have use of of rip gas as good as their attacks upon journalists have permanently stained their repute between those connected to a rally.
The Bersih 3.0 convene as good as a aftermath exhibit which a trail ahead for Malaysian governing body will grow even some-more quarrelsome as good as complex. As a opposite 'Bersih stories' pour in, trimming from 'ordinary' heroism to a darker accounts of beatings as good as abuse of power, a pierce of Malaysian governing body outward of a area of elite to a streets as good as amicable media is both lenient as good as scary.
Prime Minister Najib Razak's preference not to house a concerns of a protesters final week, as good as even to demonise their actions, right away prods Malaysia offer along a road to a day of destiny, where a domestic predestine of Malaysia's 54-year supervision will be determined. So far, a routes selected have been a single of fight rsther than than compromise, creation fortitude to differences even some-more difficult.
Before a rally, Iarguedthat four actors would shape governing body around Bersih 3.0 - a youth,! a midst dle class, a military as good as East Malaysians. Of these, three were wilful upon convene day itself (the latter will grow some-more so as elections approach).The youth as good as a middle-class attended a convene in vast numbers, imprinting a new generation's engagement with governing body as good as transforming a largely boring center category in to a some-more intent electorate.
Those wearing yellow as go! od as gr een enclosed Malaysia's soccer moms, a shopping mall princesses, discontented students, retirees as good as usually not good with words professionals.
These people comprised those who had for years enjoyed a air-conditioned comfort of Malaysia's success, yet with opposite levels of concern as good as angst chose to dauntless Kuala Lumpur's prohibited as good as humid conditions upon April 28. It was uncomfortable, though overwhelmingly, this embrace of discomfort shows how intent Malaysians have been with hot-button domestic issues as good as their eagerness to mount up as good as be counted.
They were there since they see a nation moving in a wrong direction as good as wanted to have it right. At a really least, a Bersih convene suggested a shortcomings of a country's leaders in addressing a concerns of a ! large, i mportant as good as increasing series of a citizens.Much of a courtesy focused upon a third actor, a police, whose over-the-top actions in a have use of of rip gas as good as their attacks upon journalists have permanently stained their repute between those connected to a rally.
For those not during a rally, a picture is reduction transparent as a mainstream media has manipulated a eventuality in an try to waylay a dignified high ground, with a supervision going as distant as censoring a international media as good as destroying cameras. Often a characterisation of military transformation has been a single of black as good as white, where in tangible actuality there is most some-more gray, as good as views have been evolving as some-more as good as some-more stories have been shared.
Questions will sojourn about a breaching of a barricade, as good as unless a indeed eccentric celebration investigates, a 'he said, she said' dynamic will be abundant with swindling th! eories w hich multiply difficulty as good as guess rsther than than foster genuine respect for a order of law.
Ultimately, Malaysian voters will confirm upon who systematic what as good as why, as a law cannot be censored with over 100,000 Malaysians from all walks of life sharing their experiences at a behind of inside their air-conditioned homes through a amicable network which without delay as good as in a roundabout way overwhelmed over half of a electorate.
Different narratives
Bersih 3.0 was a nationalistic event, a impulse of patriotism. What is striking to see have been two conflicting 'Save Malaysia' narratives which have emerged. The initial is a single which is common by convene attendees as good as a supporters as those who braved a rip gas decided to come out to 'save' a country.
This prophesy is a single in which a eventuality becomes a branch point towards larger freedom as good as empowerment. The symbolism of Dataran Merdeka runs low as this jingoist narrative is a single of rights as good as fairness.
The core of electoral remodel involves guaranteeing which a voice of a peop! le is he ard sincerely as good as freely. As such, for Bersih supporters in attendance a rally, it was about this approved picture for a nation as it hopes to pierce towards a stronger complement formed upon firmness as good as inclusion.
This stands in sheer contrariety to a pick picture formed upon a some-more conservative nationalism, a single in which a hazard is tangible as a protestors, typical people, who have been severe a standing quo. They were portrayed as aggressive a country, initial upon a military force as good as then later a incumbent complement as a whole.
This government-linked 'image building' has attempted to showcase a protestors as inhabitant confidence threats (needing spiny wire), ! incorrig ible actors who have been 'dirty' rsther than than clean. Embedded in this narrative is a picture which a protestors have been anti-Malay, primarily as attackers of a Malay military force as good as later as presumably incorrigible individuals.
It is hate-speech which is suggestive of regimes which feed upon fright as good as reason onto energy through exclusion. Also weaved in to this narrative is a picture of destabilising reformasi proponent fighting for energy in a form of Anwar Ibrahim, who is ironically attacked even offer in what can be seen as an bid to move at a behind of a Dr Mahathir Mohamad's base of s! upporter s in to Najib's domestic fold.
The efforts to stoke hatred of a Bersih transformation as good as a supporters, generally antithesis leaders, have been extensive, involving a manipulation of a unfamiliar media as good as threats opposite journalists as good as observers, such as Australia's Senator Nicholas Xenophon.
This narrative is about regulating racism as good as fear, hoping to daub in to underlying conservatism as good as relying heavily upon state energy to reason onto power. This is all couched in an pick narrative of patriotism, where Dataran Merdeka is portrayed as a place where challengers to energy have been putting a nation governed by a BN underneath attack.
For a approved nationalists in this equation, Bersih 3.0 was a mass rebellion. It was attacked, put down as good as described in such a manner which will set up anger. The calls for Bersih 4.0 have been already being uttered between supporters.
For a conservative nationalists, Bersih 3.0 represents a revolutionary eventuality which they have selected to demonise, not fully realising which in doing so they have been sowing a seeds of offer discontent.
Supporters upon this pole have been demanding for arrests, with Bersih leaders as good as antithesis activists top of a list, as they have been without eyes by authoritarian tools used in a Mahathir era which have been outdat! ed in Ma laysia's some-more grown up polity.
Four fundamental mistakes
The reason which these narratives have been so opposite is a continued misreading of Bersih 3.0. There have been four fundamental mistakes which a conservative nationalists done about a Bersih rally. First of all, they continue to proportion a transformation ! with a opposition.
This stems from a entrenched fright of Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim. While both Pakatan Rakyat as good as a civil society-led Bersih transformation share some usual interests in reform, as do a overwhelming majority of Malaysians from opposite a domestic divide, they have been not a same. Bersih represents a broad amicable transformation which goes beyond antithesis domestic leaders, as good as arguably even a Bersih leaders themselves.
It is about remodel in governance as good as better representation, including upon a partial of antithesis parties. This expansion of civil multitude in to places such as Kota Kinabalu as good as Ipoh, as good as broadening inside of Kuala Lumpur itself, illustrates a new people-oriented governing body of Malaysia. Elites upon both sides will have to house a some-more active as good as intent public.
The days when people blindly follow a leaders or go to a streets for personalities alone have been gone. Attacks upon particular politicians in a arise of a convene just exhibit a complete disagreement of a movement.
The second inapplicable designation of a conservative nationalists is which Bersih 3.0 is about apart groups of Malaysians divided by ethnicity, organized by obviously ethnically di! vided gr oups. While racial temperament stays critical for Malaysian politics, for convene goers this was not about race, though about a country. The consistent thesis is a single of Malaysian identity, where a single of a rally's t! hesis so ngs was 'Negaraku'.
The stroke of this public pierce to embrace non-ethnic governing body is profound. In Mar 2008, voting opposite racial lines was largely private. The being of usual role came when a formula came out.
Questions will sojourn about a breaching of a barricade, as good as unless a indeed eccentric celebration investigates, a 'he said, she said' dynamic will be abundant with swindling th! eories w hich multiply difficulty as good as guess rsther than than foster genuine respect for a order of law.
Ultimately, Malaysian voters will confirm upon who systematic what as good as why, as a law cannot be censored with over 100,000 Malaysians from all walks of life sharing their experiences at a behind of inside their air-conditioned homes through a amicable network which without delay as good as in a roundabout way overwhelmed over half of a electorate.
Different narratives
Bersih 3.0 was a nationalistic event, a impulse of patriotism. What is striking to see have been two conflicting 'Save Malaysia' narratives which have emerged. The initial is a single which is common by convene attendees as good as a supporters as those who braved a rip gas decided to come out to 'save' a country.
This prophesy is a single in which a eventuality becomes a branch point towards larger freedom as good as empowerment. The symbolism of Dataran Merdeka runs low as this jingoist narrative is a single of rights as good as fairness.
The core of electoral remodel involves guaranteeing which a voice of a peop! le is he ard sincerely as good as freely. As such, for Bersih supporters in attendance a rally, it was about this approved picture for a nation as it hopes to pierce towards a stronger complement formed upon firmness as good as inclusion.
This stands in sheer contrariety to a pick picture formed upon a some-more conservative nationalism, a single in which a hazard is tangible as a protestors, typical people, who have been severe a standing quo. They were portrayed as aggressive a country, initial upon a military force as good as then later a incumbent complement as a whole.This government-linked 'image building' has attempted to showcase a protestors as inhabitant confidence threats (needing spiny wire), ! incorrig ible actors who have been 'dirty' rsther than than clean. Embedded in this narrative is a picture which a protestors have been anti-Malay, primarily as attackers of a Malay military force as good as later as presumably incorrigible individuals.
It is hate-speech which is suggestive of regimes which feed upon fright as good as reason onto energy through exclusion. Also weaved in to this narrative is a picture of destabilising reformasi proponent fighting for energy in a form of Anwar Ibrahim, who is ironically attacked even offer in what can be seen as an bid to move at a behind of a Dr Mahathir Mohamad's base of s! upporter s in to Najib's domestic fold.
The efforts to stoke hatred of a Bersih transformation as good as a supporters, generally antithesis leaders, have been extensive, involving a manipulation of a unfamiliar media as good as threats opposite journalists as good as observers, such as Australia's Senator Nicholas Xenophon.
This narrative is about regulating racism as good as fear, hoping to daub in to underlying conservatism as good as relying heavily upon state energy to reason onto power. This is all couched in an pick narrative of patriotism, where Dataran Merdeka is portrayed as a place where challengers to energy have been putting a nation governed by a BN underneath attack.
For a approved nationalists in this equation, Bersih 3.0 was a mass rebellion. It was attacked, put down as good as described in such a manner which will set up anger. The calls for Bersih 4.0 have been already being uttered between supporters.
For a conservative nationalists, Bersih 3.0 represents a revolutionary eventuality which they have selected to demonise, not fully realising which in doing so they have been sowing a seeds of offer discontent.
Supporters upon this pole have been demanding for arrests, with Bersih leaders as good as antithesis activists top of a list, as they have been without eyes by authoritarian tools used in a Mahathir era which have been outdat! ed in Ma laysia's some-more grown up polity.
Four fundamental mistakes
The reason which these narratives have been so opposite is a continued misreading of Bersih 3.0. There have been four fundamental mistakes which a conservative nationalists done about a Bersih rally. First of all, they continue to proportion a transformation ! with a opposition.
This stems from a entrenched fright of Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim. While both Pakatan Rakyat as good as a civil society-led Bersih transformation share some usual interests in reform, as do a overwhelming majority of Malaysians from opposite a domestic divide, they have been not a same. Bersih represents a broad amicable transformation which goes beyond antithesis domestic leaders, as good as arguably even a Bersih leaders themselves.It is about remodel in governance as good as better representation, including upon a partial of antithesis parties. This expansion of civil multitude in to places such as Kota Kinabalu as good as Ipoh, as good as broadening inside of Kuala Lumpur itself, illustrates a new people-oriented governing body of Malaysia. Elites upon both sides will have to house a some-more active as good as intent public.
The days when people blindly follow a leaders or go to a streets for personalities alone have been gone. Attacks upon particular politicians in a arise of a convene just exhibit a complete disagreement of a movement.
The second inapplicable designation of a conservative nationalists is which Bersih 3.0 is about apart groups of Malaysians divided by ethnicity, organized by obviously ethnically di! vided gr oups. While racial temperament stays critical for Malaysian politics, for convene goers this was not about race, though about a country. The consistent thesis is a single of Malaysian identity, where a single of a rally's t! hesis so ngs was 'Negaraku'.
The stroke of this public pierce to embrace non-ethnic governing body is profound. In Mar 2008, voting opposite racial lines was largely private. The being of usual role came when a formula came out.
Many of a motivations of Mar 2008 - Hindraf, religious rights as good as some-more - were racial in nature. Bersih 3.0 was markedly different. It was about a usual purpose, where ethnicity was put in reserve in favour of village building. Bersih 3.0 was arguably a largest trust-building eventuality in Malaysia's story after Merdeka.
Malays, Chinese, Indians, Kadazans, Ibans as good as some-more met any other, common laughter, water, sweets, salt... as good as tears. (The spillover is which it helps set up certitude between most antithesis supporters who came to a rally, as good as a middle-ground Malaysians who met revolutionary antithesis members for a initial time. For PAS in particular, maybe a biggest success was a Amal confidence units, which were seen protecting convene goers opposite races.)
After years of transformation towards differences, towards reduction understanding, this was put in reserve upon a prohibited afternoon. Bersih 3.0 has set in place conditions where certitude office building between typical people can grow stronger.
Ironically, a conservative nationalists have underestimated a abolition of fright in Malaysian politics. This is their third mistake. The aplomb between Malaysians is growing. You do not need to demeanour during a numbers of a crowd, although this should not be ig! nored.
You do not need to even demeanour during a leaders of a transformation or a examples of military officers who offering helping hands to convene goers while some of their peers were abusing their positions. Malaysians have been increasingly peaceful to take ownership of their future as good as hav! e been p eaceful to do so again.
Conservatively, a size of Bersih 3.0 doubled in reduction than a year. The authorities have been rowdiness themselves if they consider which these people will not mount up again. Bersih conservatively without delay overwhelmed over 20 percent of a citizens as good as in a roundabout way most more. The vast appearance of immature people is generally critical as they have been traditionally a strongest risk-takers.
One tyro remarked to me afterwards how a ambience of a rip gas a second time was sweeter as good as she was ready for more. Yes, a she. This is a reduction aroused Malaysia, as good as a some-more angrier one.
Finally, a conservative nationalists crop up to be mistakenly ignoring a emanate at a behind of a convene - electoral reform. Polling conducted in late 2011 shows prior to Bersih 3.0 which only a third of citizens consider a electoral process is satisfactory as good as free - really most in line with a Umno hardcore.
Whatever people consider about a plan as good as people in Bersih - as good as views talk about - a overwhelming majority of Malaysians see a problem with a electoral system.
The supervision should bear in mind which globally, a single most critical eventuality which triggers domestic transitions is a fraudulent election. If a BN goes to a polls underneath a circumstances which have been already widely seen to be astray as good as not in integrity, they have been miscalculating a underlying sentiments of a growing series of people about a core emanate of a rally.
They will be seen to be illegitimate by a vast share of a population. This size of a convene should be sending transparent signals to leaders to scrupulously rivet in electoral reform. Anything else will be seen by most as a unfortunate measure to reason onto energy rsther than than a genuine charge of a leader.
No compromises, only confrontation
Attention has centred upon a timing of a polls. It looks some-more as good as some-more likely which these will start as early as next month. Najib, over a past week, has embraced a hardline position, with an try to unite his base as good as papering over a divisions inside of Umno.
The media inundation of a turned-over car as good as a following violence aims to move a farming base at a behind of in to a BN fold. To add onto this, a hardline efforts involving personal attacks - with weird photos adjacent upon pornography upon a front-page of inhabitant newspapers as good as complete fabrications of speeches - reflects a beginnings of an attack upon a antithesis as good as international observers.
These plan coupled with a embedded advantages! in a electoral complement as good as support from East Malaysia crop up to form a plan which is perceived to move a BN victory, albeit a single which will be rarely contentious.
To follow a trail of fight rsther than than concede is really risky. First of all, it ignores a elephant in a room associated with elections, a need for a elections to be seen as legitimate.
To date, a government's overdo to Bersih is missing as good as genuine avenues for electoral remodel sojourn unexplored. While Bersih faces a plea of illustrating a need for reforms as good as moving a transformation forward, a executive summary has resonated between most Malaysians. The larger a demonisation as good as distancing away from Bersih, a harder concede is possible.
Second, it assumes which Najib can carry out a actors who have been carrying out hardline maneuvers. Already a Umno-linkedNew Straits Timeshas beeninternationally shamed. How most alternative institutions will! have to concede themselves in this battle for power, in which some-more authoritarian measures have been adopted?
What makes a current sourroundings complex for a curren! t personality boat is which even a own actors upon a BN side have turn some-more non-state in nature as good as have been increasingly mobilised, creation this pierce toward legitimising hardline approaches even some-more risky.
Letting this arrange of governing body order reflects upon a leadership. Physics teaches us which with every transformation there is an additional reaction. Hardline options provoke hardline responses. This dynamic will offer to polarise a citizens in to domestic camps as good as toughen positions in these camps. The days of polarisation of families post-1999 reformasi have been coming again, though with even larger power since a mobilisation of a young.
Finally, this apparent preference by Najib to embrace a hardline domestic trail will have it even harder to move about any remodel in any realm. To delink mercantile remodel from domestic shift is unviable. There is a need to implement a order of law sincerely to foster a economy, as good as this involves a satisfactory as good as unprejudiced investigation.
To give in to a hardline domestic position will undermine mercantile remodel as good as contribute to a bad practices of regulating resources to win domestic allies rsther than than in office building a sustainable as good as thorough economy.
Indeed, a miscalculations of a growing amicable transformation by conservative nationalists will have Najib's inhabitant care even some-more vulnerable.
The pretension was inspired by a Bersih 3.0 protester, whose remarks upon BBC was censored by internal heavenly body TV hire Astro.
Malays, Chinese, Indians, Kadazans, Ibans as good as some-more met any other, common laughter, water, sweets, salt... as good as tears. (The spillover is which it helps set up certitude between most antithesis supporters who came to a rally, as good as a middle-ground Malaysians who met revolutionary antithesis members for a initial time. For PAS in particular, maybe a biggest success was a Amal confidence units, which were seen protecting convene goers opposite races.)After years of transformation towards differences, towards reduction understanding, this was put in reserve upon a prohibited afternoon. Bersih 3.0 has set in place conditions where certitude office building between typical people can grow stronger.
Ironically, a conservative nationalists have underestimated a abolition of fright in Malaysian politics. This is their third mistake. The aplomb between Malaysians is growing. You do not need to demeanour during a numbers of a crowd, although this should not be ig! nored.
You do not need to even demeanour during a leaders of a transformation or a examples of military officers who offering helping hands to convene goers while some of their peers were abusing their positions. Malaysians have been increasingly peaceful to take ownership of their future as good as hav! e been p eaceful to do so again.
Conservatively, a size of Bersih 3.0 doubled in reduction than a year. The authorities have been rowdiness themselves if they consider which these people will not mount up again. Bersih conservatively without delay overwhelmed over 20 percent of a citizens as good as in a roundabout way most more. The vast appearance of immature people is generally critical as they have been traditionally a strongest risk-takers.
One tyro remarked to me afterwards how a ambience of a rip gas a second time was sweeter as good as she was ready for more. Yes, a she. This is a reduction aroused Malaysia, as good as a some-more angrier one.
Finally, a conservative nationalists crop up to be mistakenly ignoring a emanate at a behind of a convene - electoral reform. Polling conducted in late 2011 shows prior to Bersih 3.0 which only a third of citizens consider a electoral process is satisfactory as good as free - really most in line with a Umno hardcore.Whatever people consider about a plan as good as people in Bersih - as good as views talk about - a overwhelming majority of Malaysians see a problem with a electoral system.
The supervision should bear in mind which globally, a single most critical eventuality which triggers domestic transitions is a fraudulent election. If a BN goes to a polls underneath a circumstances which have been already widely seen to be astray as good as not in integrity, they have been miscalculating a underlying sentiments of a growing series of people about a core emanate of a rally.
They will be seen to be illegitimate by a vast share of a population. This size of a convene should be sending transparent signals to leaders to scrupulously rivet in electoral reform. Anything else will be seen by most as a unfortunate measure to reason onto energy rsther than than a genuine charge of a leader.
No compromises, only confrontation
Attention has centred upon a timing of a polls. It looks some-more as good as some-more likely which these will start as early as next month. Najib, over a past week, has embraced a hardline position, with an try to unite his base as good as papering over a divisions inside of Umno.
The media inundation of a turned-over car as good as a following violence aims to move a farming base at a behind of in to a BN fold. To add onto this, a hardline efforts involving personal attacks - with weird photos adjacent upon pornography upon a front-page of inhabitant newspapers as good as complete fabrications of speeches - reflects a beginnings of an attack upon a antithesis as good as international observers.
These plan coupled with a embedded advantages! in a electoral complement as good as support from East Malaysia crop up to form a plan which is perceived to move a BN victory, albeit a single which will be rarely contentious.
To follow a trail of fight rsther than than concede is really risky. First of all, it ignores a elephant in a room associated with elections, a need for a elections to be seen as legitimate.
To date, a government's overdo to Bersih is missing as good as genuine avenues for electoral remodel sojourn unexplored. While Bersih faces a plea of illustrating a need for reforms as good as moving a transformation forward, a executive summary has resonated between most Malaysians. The larger a demonisation as good as distancing away from Bersih, a harder concede is possible.
Second, it assumes which Najib can carry out a actors who have been carrying out hardline maneuvers. Already a Umno-linkedNew Straits Timeshas beeninternationally shamed. How most alternative institutions will! have to concede themselves in this battle for power, in which some-more authoritarian measures have been adopted?What makes a current sourroundings complex for a curren! t personality boat is which even a own actors upon a BN side have turn some-more non-state in nature as good as have been increasingly mobilised, creation this pierce toward legitimising hardline approaches even some-more risky.
Letting this arrange of governing body order reflects upon a leadership. Physics teaches us which with every transformation there is an additional reaction. Hardline options provoke hardline responses. This dynamic will offer to polarise a citizens in to domestic camps as good as toughen positions in these camps. The days of polarisation of families post-1999 reformasi have been coming again, though with even larger power since a mobilisation of a young.
Finally, this apparent preference by Najib to embrace a hardline domestic trail will have it even harder to move about any remodel in any realm. To delink mercantile remodel from domestic shift is unviable. There is a need to implement a order of law sincerely to foster a economy, as good as this involves a satisfactory as good as unprejudiced investigation.
To give in to a hardline domestic position will undermine mercantile remodel as good as contribute to a bad practices of regulating resources to win domestic allies rsther than than in office building a sustainable as good as thorough economy.
Indeed, a miscalculations of a growing amicable transformation by conservative nationalists will have Najib's inhabitant care even some-more vulnerable.
The pretension was inspired by a Bersih 3.0 protester, whose remarks upon BBC was censored by internal heavenly body TV hire Astro.
DR BRIDGET WELSH is join forces with highbrow of domestic science during Singapore Management University as good as she can be reached during bwelsh@smu.edu.sg.
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