The Sabah factor in Umnos GE battle

In Sabah politics, a real conflict for energy is in between a Bajau Muslims as well as a Umno Malays.

COMMENT

By Arnold Puyok

Much courtesy has been given to Sabah after a 2008 ubiquitous election. This is distinct as Sabah contributed a estimable series of parliamentary seats to a inhabitant parliament.

In fact without Sabah, Barisan Nasional would have mislaid power.

In order to see this clearly, it is critical to demeanour during Sabah's electoral contribution in a proper perspective.

There were 222 seats contested in a 2008 elections. BN won 140 seats. But it was 8 seats reduced of a two-thirds infancy in parliament.

For BN, having a two-thirds infancy is a "prerequisite" for substantiating a clever as well as stable supervision a "standard" set by former Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad.

Given Malaysia's domestic convention, having two parties forming a bloc supervision is almost impossible.

Of a 140 seats BN won, Sabah as well as Sarawak contributed 54 seats to illustrate giving BN a value of a simple majority.

Umno's 'bank'

If Sabah as well as Sarawak were left out from a calculation, it is BN with usually 86 seats against a Pakatan Rakyat bloc with 82 seats.

With this slim chair difference, BN would have risked losing energy in a event of crossovers.

Clearly, without a 54 seats from Sabah as well as Sarawak, BN would not be able to form a stable government.

With a 2008 election results, Sabah as well as Sarawak have been BN's fixed deposits as well as reason a pass for BN's survival.

Sabah, however, is given some-more courtesy than Sarawak due to Umno's clever presence in ! a state.

Aside from Sabah reception a largest financial grant of RM16 billion underneath a Ninth Malaysia Plan, it additionally has four Sabahans as sovereign ministers in a inhabitant cabinet. Sarawak upon a alternative palm has usually two.

Bajau challenge

In Sabah, internal governing body is radically controlled by Sabah Umno as well as Ch! ief Mini ster Musa Aman.

Although conflict have started to resurface following allegations of prevalence by Musa's allies, Musa's sublime domestic maneuverings is gripping a "rebels" tamed.

In Sabah, Musa's strongest plea comes from a Bajau community, a second largest ethnic organisation in a state.

Even yet a estimable series of a Bajaus have been Sabah Umno members, some have been not happy with a alledged mastery of a "Malays" led by Musa.

The 3 Bajau leaders who poise a threat to Musa's le! adership have been Salleh Said Keruak, Amirkahar Mustapha as well as Pandikar Amin Muliaalso known as the"big three" in USBO (United Sabah Bajau Organisation).

Except for Amirkahar, Salleh as well as Pandikar wield a stress influence in between a Bajau community.

Sabah Umno is anxious about a rise of USBO whose re-branding in 2006 was seen as an try to reinstate Sabah Umno as a celebration to paint a Muslims in Sabah.

When Musa decided to dump all 3 as candidates in a 2008 elections, it was seen as an try to thinly slice divided a Bajau influence in Sabah Umno.

Musa, however, was discerning to prevent restlessness in between a Bajau community. He quickly gave Salleh as well as Pandikar critical roles in government.

The Bajau factor will sojourn an critical domestic plea for Musa to overcome.

Kadazandusun factor

While a Bajau village want to have a greater say in Sabah Umno, a Kadazandusun, upon a alternative hand, want a proper power-sharing agreement to be introduced in a state.

The voice of a Kadazandusun village is radically entr! ance fro m PBS (Parti Bersatu Sabah) which is a largest Kadazandusun-based celebration in a state.

In a celebration congress, PBS referred to which a energy pity agreement in Sabah should be formed upon 70:30 ratio.

This means, if there have been 10 empty domestic positions in a PBS-controlled constituency, seven should be allocated in between a members whilst a rest from alternative parties.

While no manifest changes could be seen arising from this demand, Musa however seems to be con! tinuing to enjoy a Kadazandusun await by a 'Huguan Siou' Joseph Pairin Kitingan, who is additionally emissary arch minister.

PBS, whilst synonymous with a quarrel for state rights as well as autonomy, has however been criticized for being as well "soft" upon issues such as bootleg immigrants, regional liberty as well as mercantile imbalance in between East as well as West Malaysia.

But PBS supporters argue which it is some-more politically viable to talk about these emanate during a back of tighten doors.

Pairin, it seems, prefers not to make use of a confrontational proceed in posterior a Sabah issues.

Nonetheless as distant as Musa is concerned, a Kadazandusun await for him stays intact as well as will not poise a critical plea to Sabah Umno.

Musa, Shafie as well as Najib

Another critical aspect to safeguard a one after another domestic stability in Sabah is federal-state relations.

Sabah's story has shown which a role of a sovereign supervision is consequential in last a stable state government.

Classic examples can be seen during a energy of Mustapha Harun, Harris Salleh as well as Joseph Pairin Kitingan.

Mustapha, who courted with a sovereign leaders underneath Tunku Abdul Rahman had to give up energy after Abdul Rahman's successor (Tun) Abdul Razak instituted a arrangement of Berjaya (Bersatu Rakyat Jelata Sabah) to topple Mustapha's Usno (United Sabah National Organisation).

Musa Hitam, a afterwards Deputy Prime Mi! nister w as instrumental in Salleh's fall as well as Pairin's rise to power.

But with Mahathir's utilizing role, Pairin was left to see PBS disi! ntegrate in 1994.

These were all lessons for Musa as well as he learnt them well.

Musa has been tactful in ensuring which federal-state family sojourn integral to Sabah's domestic stability.

The speculations which Musa is not upon good conditions with Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak have been rather weak to creed a shift of leadership in Sabah anytime soon.

If it is loyal which Najib had wanted his "proxy" Shafie Apdal, a Umno arch in Semporna, to lead Sabah, it is not usually a wrong domestic calculation but a unsure move.

Shafie relocating in could start Najib's recognition in Sabah.

Shafie, for one, is not formed in Sabah as well as is deliberate as an outsider in between Sabah Umno's arrange as well as file.

If indeed a war to benefit domestic leverage in a state exists, Musa seems to have a value to reason upon to energy as he enjoys a clever internal support.

The bard is a lecturer in domestic scholarship during Universiti Teknologi MARA Sabah. This is an excerpt from a talk he delivered during a Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Brunei Darussalam.

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